Recognising institutional racism is only the first small step in trying to eradicate it, argues John Fernandes
The Stephen Lawrence inquiry was hailed as "radical", "momentous", "the new millennium", "a watershed" in community relations between blacks and the police.
Sir William Macpherson pronounced on the definition of "institutional racism", not only in the police, but in the whole of society. Will his report herald a new millennium of a non-racist police force and non-racist society? More important, will the black community be treated with respect?
The report seeks to ensure "openness, accountability and restoration of confidence" in the police, and the "elimination of racist prejudice and disadvantage and the demonstration of fairness in all aspects of policing".
Since the Scarman inquiry in 1983 the police have accepted that racism exists in the police, but as a case of a "few rotten apples". Anti-racists who argued that racism was endemic were vilified, harassed and branded as troublemakers. The Lawrence inquiry has vindicated the anti-racists; the police have been found guilty of institutional racism.
But do anti-racists subscribe to Macpherson's new definition of institutional racism, which moves away from the "individual" to the "collective"? Despite all the evidence available to him from the inquiry, Macpherson capitulated to the power of the police and state in creating a definition that amounts to viewing the perpetrators as naive, thoughtless, victims of a nebulous system. The police are openly boastful that Macpherson has seen fit to accept their view of institutional racism as "unwitting prejudice", rejecting the black community's experience that it is the product of an active and pervasive operation of anti-black attitudes and practices.
The Metropolitan Police's Black Police Association evidence to the inquiry stated: "We should not underestimate the occupational culture within the police service as being a primary source of institutional racism in the way that we differentially treat black people." What firmer or stronger evidence does Macpherson need as conclusive proof that the police are very much aware of their racist prejudices, and of the effect on their behaviour?
Macpherson has skilfully contrived and manipulated the evidence to fit in with his preconceived notion of institutional racism, which coincides with that of the police and state.
Sir Paul Condon, the Metropolitan Police commissioner, first denied institutional racism, then offered a less positive approach. As the pressure mounted for his resignation, he claimed that police officers, as members of society, are no more racist than are members of any other institution. At the inquiry he cautioned against the use of the phrase of institutional racism being applied to the police because it would "undermine ... particularly the police because of their privileged and powerful position".
The implication is that the police are different, and this privileged and powerful position no doubt allows them to take life and pervert the course of justice.
Race awareness courses provided over the past 17 years in line with the Scarman report after the Brixton riots have had a minimal effect. To allocate a further Pounds 6 million to provide more of something that has proved ineffective and costly seems extremely foolish.
A further line of defence is to recruit more black officers. The presence of more black officers will be the guarantee of eliminating racism. But will black people heed the government plea to join the police force in a climate of racist hate, prejudice, violence, harassment and discrimination against the black community? In a frank admission, which demands a drastic overhaul of the police, the Black Police Association, in its submission to the inquiry, stated: "Interestingly I say 'we' because there is no marked difference between black and white in the force essentially. We are all consumed by this occupational culture."
Racism is no novel experience for black people; they live it in every breath of their life. The acknowledgement of the collective nature of racism gives some space to anti-racists to continue the struggle within their institutions.
The Macpherson recommendation that schools should implement a strategy to address racism must be extended to colleges and universities.
This requires an anti-racist approach that analyses institutional racism within its historical, political, economic, social and ideological framework and abandons the discredited race awareness and multicultural approach that viewed black people, not racist institutions, as the problem.
John Fernandes is a black lecturer at North West London College. In 1982, he devised a course to deal with the issue of institutional racism at the Hendon Police Cadet School. The police rejected the course and, when he went public, barred him from teaching there.